Freitag, 31. August 2018

Review : G­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­eorge Monbiot, Out of the Wreckage. A New Politics for an Age of Crisis. London/New York: Verso 2017.





In Out of the Wreckage George Monbiot outlines his vision of a social, economic and political reorientation with a view to a better chance of combatting poverty, social injustice, environmental destruction and climate change.
            The author mostly relies on data about British and American society with their rather weak welfare state and higher poverty rates, but his book is nonetheless revealing and inspiring for readers in Germany and continental Europe, as well. Readers should be willing to leave behind habitual ways of thinking because the author demands as much as a paradigm change: his point of departure is the failure of the neoliberal model of the economy and the need to replace it by a new one which works better for all humans.
According to recent studies individual success does not in itself guarantee a satisfactory life. Contrary to the neoliberal belief system, mutual support and cooperation play an important role. [i]  Living under the strain of constant competition, however, leads to atomization and alienation with their many negative consequences, especially on mental health.
The encouraging, optimistic message is that a new beginning is possible if we see ourselves not primarily as careerists or as consumers but as citizens who don´t compete against each other, but who cooperate with each other for a common good. Successful projects in various parts of the world, such as community shops, time banking, food assemblies and transition towns – towns switch to regional supplies, especially with regard to energy sources aspiring at an independence from fossil fuels – show the way.
            In order to create a community which is really alive, 10 – 15 % of its inhabitants should be involved. Ideally, one project inspires another, new businesses might be founded which create new jobs. Structures and networks develop which make the community both more resilient and more open. Open because citizens of all the income groups can participate, including ethnic minorities and refugees. Resilient as involvement makes communities more sensitive to the dangers to public property, and the established structures and networks help them to stand up for their interests when plans for privatization or construction projects put their living environment at stake.
            However, participatory structures should not be used as an excuse for governments to cut benefits further. Instead the function of town and city councils will be to support the efforts, not least financially.

But what about national and global issues, the political disempowerment of voters in spite of living in a democracy, the overwhelming power of corporations, the increasing destruction of the living environment and climate change?
Of course, there is no easy answer. Instead, the author provides a critical overview of possible courses for action and options for reform with Kate Raworth´s integrative model of the economy as his frame of reference. For Raworth the economy is embedded in the larger contexts of society and the living environment. (For the images ’The embedded economy’ cp. Monbiot p. 121 and ‘The Doughnut‘, p. 123). Economic growth is replaced as an indicator for positive development by the well-being of the population.

           
‘Raworth asks us to be agnostic about growth: instead of ‘economies that need to grow, whether or not they make us thrive’, we need economies that allow us to thrive ‘whether or not they grow’. Monbiot, S. 125

Social and economic development is measured with reference to the Sustainable Development Goals of the UN (Agenda 2030) adopted in 2015 with the overarching objective to satisfy the basic necessities of all without destroying the living environment.


And how can a reorientation be put into practice?

The key is taking back control over what used to be common property, above all public services and facilities which have been more and more privatised since the 1980s. Examples vary from country to country: very frequently electric energy supply, public transport, real estate and land are concerned. In Great Britain water supply has been privatized, too. If the number of jobs is going to decrease due to digitalization and automatization as predicted, and wages won´t cover the costs of living in an increasing number of families, re-communalization or renationalization would be a way to secure comprehensive access to water, gas and energy supplies and to keep the cost of living fair and affordable.[ii] [The list should be extended by nursery schools and by good state schools with free primary and secondary education - reviewer´s remark].
Measures must be taken to make renting and buying property affordable again with the collateral of counteracting the dangerously inflated real estate market. To achieve this it would be reasonable and just to raise taxes on inherited property and property whose value has risen due to the infrastructure and the quality of living in the surrounding community. Thus the community would rightly be remunerated for the rise in value it generated in the first place.[iii]
Election systems must be reformed in such a way that each vote counts (Monbiot, S. 132-137). Legislation should be changed so as to prevent money from being the decisive factor for the outcome of elections (Monbiot, S. 145-147).
Added to this, a functioning democracy encompasses more than going to the polls every 4 or 5 years. Citizens should have a greater influence on the distribution of public funds, such as tax revenue. Citizens´ conventions such as in Ireland can provide guidelines for government decisions. [iv] By empowering citizens in these and other ways, a democracy can be kept alive between elections. (Monbiot, p. 141).

While according to the neoliberal model the state features as the enemy of the citizen, Monbiot underlines the essential protective functions of the state, which range from maintaining the infrastructure to guaranteeing social and environmental standards and combatting poverty through redistribution, to name just a few.

The state – partial, flawed and often oppressive as it is – is all that stands between us and the unmediated power of money and weapons. This, after all, is why billionaires and corporations seek to dismantle some of its core functions: the protection of people and the natural world, the redistribution of wealth, the creation of a social safety net and the supply of free, universal public services. S. 138

According to the principle of subsidiarity, decision making should be devolved as much as possible and the local or regional government levels equipped with the necessary financial means to fulfil their functions.




A guideline for viable change

[…] the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself‘.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, ‚Message to Congress on Curbing Monopolies‘, 1938,
at presidency.ucsb.edu., zitiert in Monbiot S. 48

All in all, Monbiot´s concept for the future serves well as a guideline for the reformation and restructuring of societies based on an integrative model of the economy with the well-being of all humans at its centre. It raises hope and makes optimistic as many of the initiatives and projects he reports about have been put into practice somewhere on our planet and can serve as models for imitation elsewhere. Yes, getting involved in building living communities can counteract the sense of powerlessness.
            Of course, it could be objected that the proposed model is not that new. Guidelines for sustainable development were already agreed on in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change which was ratified in 1994 by 172 countries (197 countries in December 2015). Agenda 21 initiatives to implement them under the motto ‘think globally, act locally’ have been founded in many communities, for example in Germany. They have made invaluable contributions and many of them are still active. The work of environmental pressure groups with their often strong local roots deserves credit, as well.
             But although the concept of sustainability has found world-wide approval, governments often use it as a façade behind which they yield to the powerful interests of the big banks and corporations. When sustainable growth is turned into sustained growth, who notices the small but crucial difference? (Monbiot, p. 114)
            That´s exactly why it is so important to raise awareness. Human beings are so much used to the state of affairs they have grown up with that its drawbacks seem natural, and alternatives appear unrealistic, even unthinkable. [v] Thus, the neoliberal model of the economy was able to survive even its patent failure with the economic crisis of 2008.
Monbiot´s outline of how it came to power – with Friedrich Hayek´s The Constitution of Liberty (1960) as its theoretical basis, its promotion by neoliberal think tanks in the US funded by billionaires and finally its adoption by social democratic parties e.g. in Germany, the U.K and the U.S (the Democrats) - is revealing and distressing at the same time, a must-read for citizens and their representatives in the parliaments.
            In American society the neoliberal ideology has changed the balance of power so much that it can be termed a plutocracy in which democratic elements have been increasingly pushed to the side. Monbiot´s discussion of the American political system and especially the funding of election campaigns and political parties (p. 133-136), should be taken as a warning from attempts at a continuing Americanisation – the reduction of state powers and the destruction of state institutions which allows for a further increase in power of the big banks and corporations – of western liberal democracies, a policy represented in Germany by some political parties and factions.

            As the author admits: Even if community life can be revived – which is valuable in itself – it´ll prove immensely difficult to restrain the power of the big banks and corporations. Even Germany which is often held up as a role model, does not deserve all the praise it gets. There, big-time investors in real estate can avoid real estate transfer tax by using the loop hole provided by so-called Share Deals. [vi] By refusing to close this loop hole, the government contributes to a further dangerous inflation of the real estate market which clearly goes against the common good. In this as in other cases change is prevented due to a lack of political will.
For all readers who would like to fight for change the chapter  ‘Making it Happen’ on successful campaigning is well worth reading.


[i]  (1) C. Daniel Batson, Altruism in Humans. Oxford University Press, 2011
  Kristian Ove et al. ‘Models Inconsistent with Altruism Cannot Explain the Evolution of Human Cooperation’, 
  (2) Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States 113: 18 (May 2016), at pnas.org
[ii] EWS (Elektrizitätswerke Schönau), for example, is a citizen owned energy provider (https://www.ews-schoenau.de/ews/ueber-die-ews/).
[iii] Hanno Rauterberg ‚Der letzte Grund. In Wahrheit ist die Wohnkrise eine Bodenkrise. Nur der Bund kann sie lösen und die Spekulationen beenden.‘ DIE ZEIT, 11.1.2018. As outlined in the artickle, the policies of the German cities Ulm and Tübingen are good examples of how control cam be taken back. 
[iv] 'Zur Wahl steht: Die Demokratie', Die ZEIT, 19.1.2017
[v]  Daniel Pauly, ‚Anecdotes and the Shifting Baseline Syndrome of Fisheries‘, Trends in Ecology and Evolution 10:10 (Ocober 1995), at sciencedirect.com
[vi]  Felix Rohrbeck und Marcus Rohwetter ‚Rettet die Stadt‘, Die ZEIT, 11.1.2018