Dienstag, 21. Februar 2017

High Noon – a wakening call (update 2.8.2020)


The western High Noon – a wakening call

When you watch the four outlaws finally swaggering through the streets of the small frontier town Hadleyville, you´ll have lived through sixty minutes of suspense during which the town marshal has tried in vain to rally support to fight them. Although the western High Noon, which was directed by Fred Zinnemann, is more than sixty years old[1], it has never ceased to be up-to-date. It is a fascinating film not least because it illustrates perfectly the threat to a community posed by a coming to power of populist leaders and authoritarian rulers. What is more, it asks the vital question who will rise to defend the rule of law in a liberal democratic society. The disturbing answer of this film is that not many citizens are able or willing to do so. Too many have stopped appreciating it and they don´t seem to be aware of the consequences of their indifference.
Hadleyville is on the New Mexico territory. It is the late 19th century. Frank Miller, a convicted murderer was released from a prison in one of the Northern States of the US in spite of a death sentence and is about to arrive in the town at noon. On hearing this news, Will Kane, who resigned from his office as the town Marshal earlier in the day, returns to pin on the tin star again and to gather together a posse to protect the town against Miller.
While the hands of the clock move steadily and relentlessly from ten fifty towards noon and the expected violent confrontation, the camera follows Kane around town in what is almost real time introducing representatives of various social groups to the viewer and giving an insight into their personalities and mindsets.
It is the shocking outcome of Kane´s quest that neither in the streets nor in their homes nor in the church nor in the saloon is he able to make men commit themselves to his cause. They refuse to support the Marshal for a variety of motives. Some are simply scared for their lives. The bartender in the saloon and his customers, however, come out in favour of Miller. The bartender gleefully anticipates Kane´s death and his customers are laughing in the Marshal´s face and hailing a new dawn. So is the owner of the hotel who expects his business to revive after Miller´s return. Obviously, Miller gains popular support by the mere presence of his gang even before his arrival and although his sidekicks are undoubtedly villains.
The judge, who convicted Miller and who like Kane embodies the law, leaves town. He does not only take his law books with him, but also the scales, symbol of justice, and the American flag. While packing his things, he compares the impending situation with the return of a tyrant to Athens around 500 BC. Although the Greeks had banished him because he had made their life hell, they let him invade the city on his return with an army and 'stood by while he executed members of the legal government'. The allusion is strong evidence that the plot can be interpreted as an allegory of the threat posed by an aspiring tyrant to a civilized community that is not willing or able to prevent his rise to power.
In the church some speakers make a strong case for putting up resistance. They argue that the town has been a safe place for women and children since Miller was put behind bars. The law with Marshal Kane as its representative has protected them effectively.
The proponents of defence are trumped, however, by those who are reluctant to fight or even explicitly speak out against Kane´s mission. The most eloquent speaker is a leading townsman, who claims that potential investors from the North might lose interest if the news of a shootout with Miller spread. He maintains that Miller only seeks to revenge himself on Kane, so the problem would be solved if the marshal left the town. Those who support him either underestimate the danger or they have come to the conclusion that the Marshal´s resignation as well as the law´s hasty retreat in the person of the Judge actually serve their interests. It seems that a number of citizens who pull the strings behind the scenes are eager to clear the way for a new era because they expect to benefit from the chaos and upheaval Miller´s presence would cause in the town. They do not only believe that if they left him alone he would leave them unscathed, but that like him they could break the law with impunity, as well.
Having failed to rally support Kane prepares to take on Miller and his gang single-handedly not only because the confrontation is ultimately inescapable but also because he has made the defence of the rule of law in the town his mission. Thus he does not arrest Miller´s associates preemptively before his arrival given that they have not broken the law so far. When the bandits seek him out in the end, he only shoots them in self-defence, whereas Miller has come to execute those who rightfully detained and convicted him. That Kane does not lay claim to power after the shootout is further evidence that he does not embody authoritarian leadership.
The director of the film, Fred Zinnemann, supports this view in his autobiography: [2]
It was a story of a man who must make a decision according to conscience. His town – symbol of a democracy gone soft – faces a horrendous threat to its people´s way of life. Determined to resist, and in deep trouble, he moves all over the place looking for support but finding there is nobody who will help him; each has a reason for not getting involved. In the end he must meet his chosen fate all by himself, his town´s doors and windows firmly locked against him … It is a story that still happens everywhere, every day.
Zinnemann, Fred (1992), An Autobiography,
London: Bloomsbury. 97.

Regardless of Kane´s exact role, it would be interesting to know how affairs in the town would have developed if Kane had not killed the four outlaws. The conduct of Frank Miller´s gang does not make it hard to guess. In their search for Kane they count on the rule of law being suspended and exercise the law of the strongest demolishing property at will.
Besides, studies on the success of populist movements in democracies and the emergence of authoritarian regimes5 can complete the picture. In her famous study, Hannah Arendt has worked out that the liberal democratic Weimar Republic in Germany (1919 – 1933) practically abolished itself allowing that its democratic institutions were undermined.[3] As illustrated in the film such developments are viable only with popular support. The people either do not resist the changes or they even consent to the restriction of civil liberties and the suspension of the rule of law.
In order to establish power and to consolidate it, the rulers have to create bogeymen. Certain minorities are discriminated against or made into the target of popular resentment. In the end, the community is divided into the movement´s followers, the people, and others, who are vilified as the enemy of the people. Hannah Arendt explains why it is often one´s best friends who become denunciators (Arendt, 696-7). Thus, the citizens contribute to developments that are ultimately against their own interests because they lead to arbitrary and oppressive rule. Arbitrariness is a constitutive element of authoritarian regimes as it keeps people in a permanent state of uncertainty and mutual distrust, which stabilizes the regime.
By pointing out the dangers of political apathy and disenchantment High Noon can serve as a wakening call for the citizens of liberal democracies all over the world.
By the way, Kane is only able to win the final shootout because his wife supports him on an equal footing. 

2014;2016;2018
                                       


[1] It was released in 1952.
[2] The context of the 1950s suggested a variety of allegorical readings, such as Kane standing for the USA as a superpower defying communism, or the film criticizing the activities of the House Un-American Activities Committee during the McCarthy era. Phillip Drummond, Zwölf Uhr Mittags. Mythos und Geschichte eines Filmklassikers. Europa Verlag Hamburg/Wien, 1997, 99-100; 110-12.
[3] Hannah Arendt (1951) The Origins of Totalitarianism. I used the German edition Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft, 13. Auflage 2009, 659.

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